Notes
Notes for Aaron Wright Patchin, 1825 - 11 Jun 1897
Web site states:
Aaron Wright Patchin, the fourth of eight children, sons and daughters of John and Elizabeth (Wright) Patchin, was born in the town of Hague, Warren county, New York State, on the 15th day of August, 1822. He was brought up to the lumber business in the vicinity of Lake George, N.Y. (his father's former residence), near the foot hills of the famous Adirondacks, and here his early life was spent, when in 1847, he followed his father and came to the "Upper" Susquehanna. He, with other brothers, engaged extensively in the lumber business, a part of the time under the firm name and style of John Patchin & Sons. Upon the death of the father, Aaron, who seems to have been his father's chief assistant and advisor during life, acquired most of his father's real estate, having fully compensated the other heirs for their interest, and by him the vast business was successfully continued. He also was one of the executors of his father's will, his co-executor being Jackson Patchin. The extend of the lands acquired by our subject, upon his father's death, number some thousands of acres, but in enlarging his lumbering interest he has purchased much other lands, and now owns several thousands of acres scattered about in various localities, and much greater in amount than that originally given him. He, too, became the owner of the mercantile business, at Patchinville. He is the owner of the extensive saw mill at that place. During the month of April, 1887, Mr. Patchin established an extensive works at Camden, N. J. for the manufacture of spars, the material therefore being cut from his lands in this locality. At the same place he also has a lumber saw mill. Aaron W. Patchin has not been in any sense a public man; he had neither the disposition or the time to indulge in the worry of political life, although frequently pressed to become the candidate of his party--the Republican; he sought no office nor station except that to which he was clearly entitled--that of a leading businessman in the county. Upon this record, is he content to live seeking no other position but enjoying fully in his rural home, surrounded by family and friends the fruits of years of honest toil.
Notes for James Patchin, after 1810 - ----
"History and Genealogy of the Patchin-Patchen Family", Grace Patchen Leggett, 1952 states:
"The probate court records and other records of Lake County, Ohio, which includes the Township of Perry, were destroyed by fire in 1840 or 1846, hence are not available."
Notes for Freegift Patchin, 20 Feb 1758 - 30 Aug 1830
Web site quotes History of Schoharie County by William E. Roscoe, Chapter XVI "History of the Town of Blenheim" as follows:
No actual engagements occurred in this town during the war, but several of the settlers were made prisoners, and forced to endure untold hardships. We will give space to General Freegift Patchin's narrative of his captive life, as published by him over sixty years ago. We will here state that his experience was that of nearly all others, but few, too few, of less torture and endurance, and who were constitutionally able to survive their hardships. In 1798, General Patchin settled where Joseph Fink now resides, and built a mill. He appointed a General of the Militia, and represented the County in the Assembly in 1804, 1805, 1820, 1821 and 1822, being in six sessions, and was elected supervisor several terms. He was a very intelligent man considering his limited opportunities, and died August 30, 1831, at the age of seventy-three years, not having entirely recovered from the shock his constitution received while a captive. His children were: Mrs. George Martin, Mrs. Samuel Burns, afterwards Mrs. Nicholas Richtmyer, Lewis, Mrs. Frederick Hager, Charles, and Mrs. Joseph Johnson. Mrs. Martin is the only one living, being ninety years of age.
The Captivity and Sufferings of General Freegift Patchin--In the year 1780, myself as well as the whole population about the region of old Schoharie, were held in readiness by Colonel Peter Vroman as minute-men, to be ready at a moment's warning, as the Tories and Indians were a watchful and cruel enemy. Around the region of the head of the Delaware it was suspected there were persons who favored the cause of the British; a small company of men therefore were sent out as spies upon them, and also if possible to make a quantity of maple sugar, as an abundance of maple grew there. Of this little company Captain Alexander Harper had the command. Fourteen persons were all that were sent out, among whom were myself, Isaac Patchin, my brother, Ezra Thorp, Lieutenant Henry Thorp, and Major Henry. It was early in the month of April - the second day of the month - when we came to the place of rendezvous, a distance from the forts of Schoharie of about thirty miles. A heavy snow-storm came on, during which about three feet of snow fell, in addition to that which was on the ground before. We were not in the least apprehensive of danger as the nearest fort of the enemy was at Niagara; knowing also that Sullivan the year before had scoured the Chemung and Genesee countries, killed or driven the Indians to Canada; also as it was winter, and the snow very deep, we supposed were circumstances of sufficient magnitude to prevent marauding parties effectually from approaching from that quarter at that particular time. We had tapped, as the sugar making phrase is, a great number of trees, finding the proper utensils at hand, as they had been before occupied in the same way by the inhabitants who had fled to other places for safety. A few hundred pounds of maple sugar would have been a great acquisition, as the inmates of the forts were in want of all things, having been compelled to flee from their homes to Schoharie and other places of safety. We had proceeded in our enterprise as merrily as the fatiguing nature of the business would permit, a few days, when on the 7th of April 1780, at about two o'clock in the afternoon, we were suddenly beset and surrounded by forty-three Indians and seven Tories. The names of the Tories I forbear to mention, except two or three, of whom the reader will hear in the course of the narrative, the rest I have thought proper not to name, as their descendants are not chargeable with the misguided acts of their father, and it is not my wish at this time of day to cast reflections and grieve the innocent. So silent had been the approach of the enemy that three of our number lay weltering in their blood before I or any of the rest knew they were among us, as we were scattered here and there busy with our work. I was not far from our captain when I saw the Indians first, who were accosted by Brant, their leader, as follows: - "Harper, I am sorry to find you here." "Why," said Harper, "Captain Brant, are you sorry?" "Because," he replied, "I must kill you, though we were schoolmates in youth." Then he lifted and flourished his tomahawk over his head ready to execute the deed, but suddenly, as if paralyzed by a stroke of magic, stopped this act of murder, as if some new and important thought had crossed his mind - when he gazed at Harper with an eye as keen and deadly as a serpent, saying, "Are there any troops at the forts at Schoharie?" Harper perceived in a moment, that the answer to this question would either save their lives or procure their instant death; for if ye should say no, which would have been the truth, the Indians would have killed them all and then proceeded to old Schoharie, massacreing as they went, and cut off the whole inhabitants before help could have been had from any quarter, and the enemy, as a wolf, when the morning appears, flees with the shades of night. Accordingly, he answered, "There are three hundred Continental troops now at the forts, who arrived there about three days since.: But the whole of this statement was untrue; yet who will condemn the captain, and say the act would need much repentance ere it should have obtained forgiveness. On hearing this, the countenance of Brant fell, when he waved with his hand a signal to the chief, stopped the massacre, and called a council of war; all of which, from the time Brant had brandished his hatchet over the head of Harper, had been but the work of a moment.
The eleven survivors were seized, pinioned, and turned all together in a hog-pen, where they were kept till the morning. A guard of Tories, with one Beacraft by name at their head, was set over them in the pen - a bloody villain, as will appear in the course of this account.
All night Brant and his warriors, with the Tories, were in fierce consultation whether the prisoners should be put to death, or taken alive to Niagara. The chiefs appeared swayed by Brant,whose influence prevailed over the whold opposition of the murderous crew; there was a reason for this, as will appear by-and-by. While this question was pending, we could see plainly their every act through the chinks of the pen, as a monstrous fire was in their midst, and hear every word, though none of us understood their language but our captain, whose countenance we could perceive, by the light of the fire, from time to time changing with the alternate passions of hope and fear, while the sweat ran down his face from the mere labor of his mind, although it was a cold night. And added to this, the sentry, Beacraft, who was set as a guard, would every now and then cry out to us, "You will all be in hell before morning." But there we were, tied neck and heels, or we would have beat the pen about his head. Our captain whispered to us that his word was doubted by the Indians and Tories, who were for killing us, and proceeding without delay to Schoharie. At length the morning came, when Brant and his associate chiefs, five in number, ordered that Harper be bought befgore them. Here the question was renewed by Brant, who said, "We are suspicious that you have lied to us;" at the same time he sternly looked Harper in the face, to see if a muscle moved with fear or prevarication. To which our captain answered with a smile, expressive of confidence and scorn, and at the same time descriptive of the most sincere and unvarying honesty, that every word which he had spoken, respecting the arrival of troops at Schoharie, was wholly true. His answer was believed, at which moment not only their own lives were saved, but also those of hunmdreds of men, with helpless women and children, who have not known to this day, except the few to whom the story has been told, that so great a Providence stepped in between them and servitude, torture and death.
It was extremely mortifying to Brant to be compelled to relinquish, at the very moment when he was ready to grasp the utmost of his wish, in the glory and riches he would have acquired in the completion of his enterprise. He had fed the hopes of his associate chiefs, warriors and Tories with the same prospects; having calculated, from information long before received, that Schoharie was in a defenseless state, and dreaded no evil, which rendered it extremely difficult to restrain them from killing the prisoners out of mere fury at the disappointment. A few moments of consultation ensued, when the rest were ordered out of the pen. Brant now disclosed the whole plan of the expedition in English, expressing his regret at its failure, stating that he and the other chiefs had, with difficulty, saved them from being scalped, and that he did not wish to kill them in cold blood now, they had been together a day and a night, and if they chose to go with him to Niagara as captives of war, they might, but if they failed on the way through fatigue or want of food, they must not expect to live, as their scalps were as good as their bodies.
They had no provisions with them, neithere had they eat anything as yet while we had been their prisoners, except what they had found in our sap-bush, which they had at first devoured with the rapacity of cannibals. We now took up our line of march, with our arms strongly pinioned, our shoulders sorely pressed with enormous packs, our hearts bleeding at the dreadful journey before us, and the servitude we were exposed to undergo among the Indians, or if bought to the British, imprisoned by land and sea, was our certain fate, at least till the end of the war, if we even survived the journey.
The snow was then more than three feet deep, and being soft rendered it impossible for us prisoners to travel, as we had no snow-shoes, but the Indians had; a part, therefore, of them went before us and a part behind, all in Indian file, so by keeping their tracks we were enabled to go on, but if we happened to fall down, the Indians would cry out, "Waugh Bostona." We had traveled about ten or twelve miles,when we came to a grist-mill, situated on the Delaware, the owner of which welcomed this band of infernals, and gave them such refreshments as were in his power, but to us, poor prisoners, he gave nothing, while we were made to sit apart on a log beside the road. I shall never forget the cruelty of three or four daughters of this man, whose name I forbear to mention out of pity to his descendants. These girls insisted that they had better kill us there, for if by any means we should ever get back, their own lives would be taken by the Whigs; their father also observed to Brant that he had better had taken more scalps and less prisoners. When we were ready to proceed again, the miller gave Brant about three bushels of shelled corn, which was divided into eleven different parts and put upon our backs, already too heavily burdened. This corn was all the whole body of Indians and ourselves had to subsist upon from there to Niagara, except that which accidentally fell in our way, a distance of more than three hundred miles, entirely a wilderness. From this mill we traveled directly down the river; we had not, however, gone many miles, when we met a man who was a Tory, well-known to Brant, by name Samuel Clockstone, who seeing us, the prisoners, was surprised, as he knew us; when Brant related to him his adventure, and how he had been defeated by the account Captain Harper had given of the troops lately arrived at Schoharie. "Troops," said Clockstone, "there are no troops at that place, you may rely upon it, Captain Brant, I have heard of none." In a moment the snake eyes of Brant flashed murder and running to Harper, he said, in a voice of unrestrained fury, his hatchet vibrating about his head like the tongue of a viper, "How come you to lie to me so?" When Harper, turning to the Tory, said, "You know, Mr. Clockstone, I have been there but four days since; you know since our party was stationed at the head of the river, at the sap-bush, that I have been once to the forts alone, and there were troops, as I have stated, and if Captain Brant disbelieves it, he does it at his peril." That Harper had been there happened to be true, which the Tory happened to know, when he replied, "Yes, I know it." All the while Brand had glared intensely on the countenance of Harper, if possible to discover some misgivings there, but all was firm and fair; when he again believed him, and resumed his march.
There was a very aged man by the name of Brown, who had not gone off with the rest of the families who had fled the country. This miserable old man, with two grandsons, mere lads, were taken by Brant's party, and compelled to go prisoners with us. The day after our meeting with the Tory, as above described, this old man, who was entirely bald from age, became to weary to keep up with the rest, and requested that he might be permitted to return and alleged as a reason, that he was too old to take part in the war, and therefore, could do the King's cause no harm. At this request, instead of answering him, a halt was made, and the old man's pack taken from him, when he spoke in a low voice to his grandsons, saying that he should see them no more, for they were going to kill him; this he knew, being acquainted with the manners of the Indians. He was now taken to the rear of the party, and left in the care of an Indian, whose face was painted entirely black, as a token of his office, which was to kill and scalp any of the prisoners who might give out on the way. In a short time the Indian came on again, with the bald scalp of the old man dangling at the end of his gun, hitched in between the ramrod and muzzle, thie he often flapped in the boys'faces on the journey. The place at which this was done was just on the point of a mountain, not far from opposite where Judge Foot used to live, on the Delaware, below Delhi. There he was left and doubtless devoured by wild animals. Human bones were afterwards found on that part of the mountain.
We pursued our way down the Delaware till we came to the Cook House, suffering very much, night and day, from the tightness of the cords with which our arms were bound. From this place we crossed through the wilderness, over hills and mountains, the mostdifficult to be conceived of, till we came to a place called Ochquago, on the Susquehanna river, which had been an Indian settlement before the war. Here they constructed several rafts out of old logs, which they fastened together with withes and poles passing crosswise, on which, after untying us, we were placed, themselves managing to steer. These soon floated us down as far as the mouth of the Chemung river, where we disembarked and were again tied, taking up our line of march for the Genesee country. The Indians, we found, were more capable of sustaining fatigue than we were and easily out-traveled us, which would have led to the loss of our lived had not a singular Providence interfered to save us! This was the indisposition of Brant, who every other day for a considerable time fell sick, so that the party were compelled to wait for him, this gave an opportunity for us to rest ourselves. Brant's sickness was an attack of the fever and ague, which he checked by the use of a preparation from the rattlesnake. The rattlesnake he caught on the side of a hill facing to the south, on which the sun shone, and had melted away the snow from the mouth of the den of those serpents, where it appears one had crawled out, being invited by the warmth.
The reader will also observe that about a fortnight had now elapsed from the time of our captivity, so that the season was farther advanced, and added to this, the snow is sooner melted on the Chemung, in Pennsylvania, being farther south by about three degrees than the head of the Delaware, yet in places even there, there was snow on the ground, and in the woods it was still deep. Of this snake he make a soup, which operated as a cure to the attack of the ague. The reader will remember the three bushels of corn given at the mill; this they fairly and equally divided among us all, which amounted to two handsful a day, and that none should have more or less than another while it lasted, the corn was counted as we received them; in this respect Brant was just and kind. This corn we were allowed to boil in their kettles when the Indians had finished theirs; we generally contrived to pound it before we boiled it, as we had found a mortar at a deserted wigwam left by the Indians the year before, who had been driven away by General Sullivan. While in the neighborhood of what is now called Tioga Point, we but narrowly escaped every man of us being butchered on the spot; a miracle, as it were, saved us. The cause was a follows: At this place, when Brant was on his way down the Chemung on this same expedition, but a fews days before, he had detached eleven Indians from his company to pass through the woods from Tioga Point to a place called Minisink. It was known to Brant that at this place were a few families, where it was supposed several prisoners might be made or scalps taken, which at Niagara would fetch them eight dollars a piece. This was the great stimulus by which the Indians in the Revolution were incited by Butler, the British agent, to perpetrate so many horrid murders upon women, children, and helpless old age in this region of country.
This party made their way to the Minisink, where, lying concealed in the woods, they managed to get into their possession, one after another, five lusty men, and had brought them as far as to the east side of the Susquehanna opposite Tioga Point. Here they encamped for the night, intending in the morning to construct a raft in order to float themselves over the river, as they had done on their way towards the Minisink a few days before, and so pursue their way up the Chemung which course was the great thoroughfare of the Indians from the Susquehanna country to that of the Genesee. Meanwhile the eleven Indians lay fast asleep being greatly fatigued and apprehending no danger, as the prisoners were securely bound and sleeping soundly, as the Indians supposed, before they laid themselves down; but as the soul of one man, the prisoners were ever watching some opportunity to escape. But this was not possible even if they could have made their escape, unless they should first have effected the death of the whole of the party of Indians. This object therefore was their constant aim. This night, by some means unknown, one of the prisoners got loose, doubtless either by knawing off his cord or by chafing it in two as he lay upon it, or during the day had managed to hitch it as often as he could against the snags of the trees till it had become fretted and weak in some place, so that at last he got it in two. When this was effected, he silently cut the cords of his fellows, when each man took a hatchet, and in a moment nine of them received their blades to their handles in their brains; but the sound of the blows in cutting through the bones of their heads awakened the other two, who sprung upon their feet as quick as thought, when one of them, as he fled, received the blade of a hatchet between his shoulders, which, however, did not kill him nor prevent his escape, yet he was terribly wounded.
These men who had so heroically made their escape, returned, as was supposed, to their homes to relate to their families and posterity the perils of that dreadful night. After they had gone, the two Indians returned to the spot where lay their ruthless but unfortunate companions, fast-locked, not only in the sleep of the night, but that of death, never more to torment the ear of civilized life with the death yell of their sepulchral throats.
They took from the feet of their slaughtered friends their mocassins, nine pair in number, and then constructed a raft on which they crossed the river, and had proceeded little way up the Chemung where they had built a hut, and the well Indian was endeavoring to cure his wounded companion.
When the whooping of the party of Indians to whom we were prisoners struck their ear, he gave the death yell, which hung on the dull air as the scream of a demon reverberating in doleful echoes up and down the stream; at which the whole body made a halt and stood in mute astonishment, not knowing what this could mean; when directly the two Indians made their appearance, exhibiting the nine pair of mocassins, and relating in the Indian tongue, which Harper understood, the death of their companions. In a moment as if transformed to devils, they threw themselves into a great circle around us, exhibiting the most horrid gestures, gnashing their teeth like a gang of wolves ready to devour, brandishing their tomahawks over us, as so many arrows of death. But here let it be spoken, to the praise of Divine Providence, at the moment when we had given ourselves up as lost, the very Indian, who was a chief, and had been the only one of the eleven who had escaped unhurt, threw himself into the midst of the ring, and with a shake of his hand gave the signal of silence, when he plead our cause by simply saying, "These are not the men who killed our friends, and to take the life of the innocent in cold blood, cannot be right." As it happened, this Indian knew us all, for he had lived about Schoharie before the war, and was known as an inoffensive and kind-hearted native, but when the war came on, had seen fit to join the British Indians; his words had the desired effect, arrested the mind of Brant, and soothed to composure the terrific storm that a moment before had threatened to destroy us.
Again we resumed our course, bearing with considerable more patience and fortitude the anguish of our sufferings, than it is likely we should have done had our lives not been preserved from a greater calamity just described. We soon came to Newtown, where we were nearly at the point of starvation, Indians and all, as we had nothing to eat except a handful or two of corn a day; and what the end would have been is not hard to forsee, had not the amazing number of wolf tracks remaining, directed us to the carcass of a dead horse. The poor brute had been left to take care of itself the summer before by Sullivan, in his march to the Indian country, being unfit for further service as a pack-horse. Here, on the commons of nature, which during the summer and fall, it is likely, produced an abundance of pasturage, but when winter came on and rendered it impossible for the poor worn-out animal to take care of itself, death came to its relief. That it had lived to the winter had become severe, was evident from its not being in the least degree putrescent, but was completely frozen, it having been buried in the snow during the winter.
The wolves had torn and gnawed the upper side quite away, but not being able to turn the carcass over it was sound and entire on the under side. This we seized upon, rejoicing as at the finding of a hidden treasure! It was instantly cut to pieces, bones, head and hoofs, and equally divided among the whole. Fires were built, at which we roasted and eat, without salt, each his own share, with the highest degree of satisfaction.
Near this place we found the Painted Post, which is now known over the whole continent, to those conversant with the early history of our country; the origin of which was as follows: Whether it was in the Revolution or in the Dunmore battles with the Indians, which commenced in Virginia, or in the French war, I do not know, an Indian chief on this spot had been victorious in battle, killed and taken prisoners to the number of sixty. This event he celebrated by causing a tree to be taken from the forest and hewed four square, painted red, and the number he killed, which was twenty-eight, represented across the post in black paint, without any heads, but those he took prisoners, which were thirty, were represented with heads on, in black paint, as the others. This post he erected and thus handed down to posterity an account that here a battle was fought, but by whom, and who the sufferers were is covered in darkness, except that it was between the whites and Indians.
The post will probably continue as long as the country shall remain inhabited, as the citizens heretofore have uniformly replaced it with a new one exactly like the original, whenever it has become decayed. Nothing more of note happened to us till we came to the Genesee river, except a continued state of suffering. We passed along between the Chemung and the head of the lakes Cayuga and Seneca, leaving the route of Sullivan, and went over the mountains farther north. These mountains. as they were very steep and high, covered with brush, and our bodies being weak and emaciated, were almost insurmountable, but at length we reached the top of the last and highest, which overlooks immeasurable wilds, the ancient abode of men and nations unknown, whose history is written only in the dust. Here we halted to rest, when the Tory Beacraft took it in his head to boast of what we had done in the way of murder since the war began. He said that he and others had killed some of the inhabitants of Schoharie, and that among them was the family of one Vroman. These he said they soon dispatched, except a boy of about fourteen years of age, who fled across the flat toward the Schoharie river. "I took after the lad," said the Tory, "and although he ran like a spirit, I soon overtook him, and putting my hand under his chin laid him back on my thigh, though he struggled hard, cut his throat, scalped him, and hung the body across the fence." This made my blood run cold; vengeance boiled through every vein, but we dare not say a word to provoke our enemies, as it would be useless. This man, however, got his due, in a measure, after the war was over, which will be related at the end of this account.
Another of them, by the name of Barney Cane, boasted that he had killed one, Major Hopkins, on Dimon Island, in Lake George. "A party of pleasure," as he stated, "had gone to this Island on a sailing excursion, and having spent more time than they were aware of before they were ready to return, concluded to encamp and remain all night, as it would be impossible for them to return to the fort. From the shore where we lay hid, it was east to watch their motions; and perceiving their defenseless situation, as soon as it was dark, we set off for the Island, where we found them asleep by their fire, and discharging our guns among them, several were killed, among them was one woman who had a suckling child, which was not hurt. This we put to the breast of its dead mother, and so we left it.
But Major Hopkins was only wounded, his thigh-bone being broken; he started from his sleep to a stooping posture, when I struck him," said Bareny Cane, "with the butt of my gun on the side of his head, he fell over, but caught on one hand; I then knocked him the other way, when he caught with the other hand; a third blow I laid him dead. These were all scalped except the infant. In the morning, a party from the fort went and brought away the dead, together with one they found alive, although he was scalped, and the babe, which was hanging and sobbing at the bosom of its llifeless mother."
Having rested ourselves, and our tantalizing companions having finished the stories of their infamy, we descended the mountain towards the Genesee, which we came in sight of the next day about two o'clock. Here we were met by a small party of natives, who had come to the flats of the Genesee for the purpose of corn planting, as soon as the waters of the river should fall sufficiently to drain the ground of its water. These Indians had with them a very beautiful horse which Brant directed to be cut to pieces in a moment, and divided equally without dressing or any such fashionable delay, which was done, no part of the animal whatever being suffered to be lost. There fell to each man of the company but a small piece, which we roasted, using the white ashes of fires as salt, which gave it a delicious relish; this Brant himself showed us how to do. On these flats were found infinite quantities of ground nuts, a root in form and size about equal to a musket ball, which, being roasted, became exceedingly mealy and sweet. These, together with our new acquisition of horse-flesh, formed a delicious repast.
<< text continued in the Notes for his wife Molly, due to space limitations in Family TreeMaker>>
Notes for Isaac Patchin, 20 Nov 1761 - 23 Feb 1834
Web site states:
"From "A History of the Town of Jefferson 1771-1976" by Mildred L. Bailey, page 125-126:
Isaac Patchin, a Revolutionary soldier, was born November 25, 1763. (One record says1761 and was baptised in November 1763.) His birthplace was Norwalk of Fairfield County, Connecticut. He enlisted July 15, 1775 and was discharged December 22, 1775, having served in the 7th Regiment, 2nd Company.
He was one of the 13 men who under the command of Captain Alexander Harper, in the vicinity of Jefferson and Hapersfield, was surprised by Joseph Brant and a group of Tories. He was taken prisoner with his brother, Freegift and they were marched to Niagara and imprisoned at Chamble, Ontario, Canada. They remained there in chains, for two years, suffering everything but death. Then they were transferred to Rebel Island where they remained until peace was declared. From Rebel Island they went to Montreal and then to Quebec where they boarded a "cartel ship" and went to Boston. After a near shipwreck, they arrived in Boston. At this time, Freegift said, "I once more set foot on soil of my native land and rejoice that it was a land of Liberty and Independence." There is no doubt that Isaac felt the same way.
After the war, on March 24, 1789 he married Sally Gibbs. They moved to Jefferson and lived upon land owned by his wife and died February 23, 1834. Isaac and his wife, Sally, are buried in the Old Village Cemetery."
Notes for Molly Morehouse, 25 Nov 1760 - 2 Aug 1844
[ here continue the Notes of Molly's husband Freegift, as the Family TreeMaker program limits the size of Notes. ]
From this place Brant sent a runner to Niagra, a distance of about eighty miles, in order to inform the garrison of his approach, and of the number of prisoners he had, their names and quantity. This was a most humane act of Brant, and by this means he effected the removal of all the Indian warriors in the two camps contiguous to the fort. Brant was in possession of a secret respecting Harper, which he had carefully concealed in his own breast during the whole journey, and, probably, in the very first instance at the time when he discovered that Harper was his prisoner, operated by influencing him, if possible, in saving his life. This secret consisted in a knowledge that there was then in the fort a British officer who had married a niece of Harper, Jane More, whose mother was a sister of Captain Harper. This girl, together with the mother and a sister, had been captured at the massacre of Cherry Valley and taken to Niagra. This information was conveyed by means of the runner to the husband of Jane More, Captain Powell, who, when the girl was first brought by Butler and his Indians, a prisoner to the fort, loved, courted and honorably married. Now if Powell wished to save the life of his wife's uncle he had the opportunity, by doing as Brant had suggested, that was, to send the warriors of both camps down the lake to the nine-mile landing, with the expectation of meeting Brant there, whose prisoners would be given into their hands to be dealt with as the genius of their nature's customs might suggest. Accordingly, Powell told his wife that her uncle was among the prisoners of Brant, who had sent him word, and that the warriors must be sent away; to whom he gave a quantity of rum, as they thought, to aid in the celebration of their infernal pow-wows at the nine-mile landing, having obtained the consent of his superior, Colonel Butler to do so.
Brant had concealed, from both his Indians and Tories, as well as from the prisoners, that Powell, at the fort, was Harper's relative, or that he had made the above arrangement.
The reader may probably wish to know why the warriors in those two camps must be sent away, in order to save the lives of the prisoners. All persons acquainted with Indian customs in time of war, know very well that the unhappy wretch who falls into their hands at such a time, is compelled to run what is called the gauntlet, between two rows of Indians, composed of warriors, old men, women and children, who, as the prisoner flies between them, if possible, to reach a certain point assigned, called a councilhouse, or a fort, receives from every one who can reach him, a blow with the fist, club, hatchet or knife, and even wadding fired into their bodies, so that they generally with their wounds before they reach the appointed place, though they struggle with all the violence of hope and dispair. We had now, on the fourth day after the runner had been sent, arrived within two miles of Niagra, when the Tories began to tell us the danger we were soon to be exposed to, in passing those two Indian encampments, which, till then, we knew nothing of; this difficulty they were careful to describe in the most critical manner, so that every step, although so near our journey's end, when we hoped at least to have our hunger satisfied, was as the steps of the wretch condemned to die. But on the coming to the first encampment what was our surprise and joy at finding nothing there capable of injuring us but a few old women and children, who had indeed formed themselves as before described. However, one old squaw coming up in a very friendly manner saluted me by saying, "Poor shild, poor shild," when she gave me a blow, which, as I was tired, could not be parried, that nearly split my head in two. Directly we came to the second encampment, which was supposed to be more dangerous, as the most bloody warriors were, from choice, situated nearest the fort; but here, through the policy of Powell, a whole regiment of British troops were thrown into two parallel lines, extending through the whole encampment, to protect us, as here were many young lads of the natives quite able, if opportunity was given them, to hack and club us to death before we reached the fort, although it was to be our prisonhouse, was seen through the opening woods. I had come to within about five rods of the gateway, still agonizing under the effects of the old squaw's blow, when a young savage, about twelve years old, came running with a hatchet in his hand directly up to me, and seizing hold of the petunip line, or cord, by which I was tied, twitched me around so that we faced each other, when he gave me a blow between my eyes on the forehead that nearly dropped me dead, as I was weak and faint; the blood spouted out at a fearful rate, when a soldier snatched the little demon's hatchet and flung it into the lake. Whether Brant was awarded over and above the eight dollars, (which was the stipulated price per head), for Harper, or not, I cannot tell; but as was most natural to suppose, there was on the part of himself and niece great joy on so unexpectedly falling in with friends and relatives in the midst of enemies, and on the part of Powell respect and kindness was shown to Harper on account of the lovely Jane More, who had become a talisman of peace between them.
We had scarcely arrived when we were brought to the presence of a number of British officers of the Crown, who blazed in all the glory of military habiliments, and among them as chief, was the bloated, insolent, unprincipled, cruel, infamous Butler, whose name will stink in the recollections of men to the latest page of American history; because it was he who directed, rewarded, and encouraged the operations of the Indians and Tories all along from Canada to the State of Delaware. This man commenced in a very abusive manner to question us respecting American affairs; and addressing me in particular, probably because he was nearer me than any of the rest, whether I did not think that by and by his Indians would compel a general surrender of the Yankees! I replied to him in as modest a manner as possible, not feeling in a mood of repartee, as the blood from the wound in my forehead still continued to trickle down my face, covering my vest and bosom with blood, that I did not wish to say anything about it nor to give offense to anyone. But he would not excuse me; still insisting that I should say whether I did not think so; to which I firmly replied -- feeling what blood and spirit there were yet left in me, to rouse a little -- that if I must answer him, it was to say NO! and that he might as well think to empty the lake of its waters at a bucketful at a time, as to conquer the Yankees in that way. At which he burst out in a violent manner, calling me a dam'd rebel, for giving him such an insolent answer, and ordered me out of his sight; but here, when ready to sink to the floor, (not from anything the huge bulk of flesh had said to me, but from hunger, weariness, and the loss of blood,) a noble-hearted soldier interposed, saying to Butler, "The lad is not to blame, as you have compelled him to answer your question, which no doubt he has done according to the best of his judgment." "Here, poor fellow, take this glass of wine and drink." Thus the matter ended.
We were now given over to the care of a woman, Nancy Bundy by name, who had been ordered to prepare us a soup, made of proper materials, who was not slow to relieve our distress as far as she dare, as she also was a prisoner. But in taking off the belt that I had worn around my body, as the manner of the Indians is, to keep the wind out of the stomach, it appeared that I was falling to pieces, so strange was the sensation, that I was ready to disown my own body that I not been convinced by my other senses that there was no mistake.
I will just give the reader a short account of this woman, as I received it from herself. She stated that herself, husband, and two children were captured at the massacre of Wyoming, by Butler's Indians and Tories, and brought to the Genesee country, then entirely inhabited by the natives. There she was parted from her husband, the Indians carrying him she knew not where, but to some other and distant tribe. She had not been long in the possession of the tribe after her husband was taken away, when the Indian who had taken her prisoner, addressed her, and was desirous of making her his wife; but she repulsed him, saying very imprudently she had one husband, and it would be unlawful to have more than one. This seemed to satisfy him, and she saw no more of him for a long time; but after awhile he came back and renewed his suit, alleging that there were no objections to her marrying him as her husband was dead, for, said he, I found where he was and I have killed him. She then told him if he had killed her husband he might kill her also, for she could not marry a murderer. When he saw that she was resolute and that his person was hateful in her sight, he took and tied her, and brought her to this place and sold her for eight dollars.
From this prison, after being sold to the British garrison for eight dollars a head, we were sent across the lake to Carleton Island, from this place down to the Cedars; from the Cedars we were transported from place to place, till at length we were permanently lodged in the prison at Chambly. Here we were put in irons, and remained two years, suffering everything but death, for want of clothes, fire, food, medicine, exercise and pure air. At length from the weight and inconvenience of my irons I became so weak that I could not rise from the floor, when my fellow-suffered Thorp, who was not as badly off as myself, used to help me up.
The physician appointed to have the care of the prisoners, whose name was Pendergrass, paid but little attention to his charge, seldom visiting us, but never examining closely into our situation; consequently a description of my horrid condition would afflict the reader, on which account I forbear it. At length however this physician was removed and another put in his place, of entirely contrary character; he was humane, inquisitive, industrious and skillful.
When he came first to that part of the prison where myself and about twenty others were confined, the captain of the fort came with him, when the doctor proceeded to examine us, one by one, instead of giving us a general look only, as the other had done. The place where I sat was quite in the corner, I had chosen it because it was darkest and served to hide me from observation more than any other part of the room. I had contrived to get into my possession an old rug of some sort which partly hid my naked limbs; this I kept over my lap in the best possible manner.
After a while it became my turn to be examined, when he said: "Well my lad what is the matter with you?" From shame and fear lest he would witness the loathsome predicament which I was in, I said, "Nothing sir," "Well then," said he "get up." "I cannot sir", said I. He then took the end of his cane and putting it under the blanket that was partly over me, threw it to one side, and a spectacle of human suffering presented itself, such as he had not dreamed of seeing. I had fixed my eyes steadily on his face, to see if aught of pity moved his breast, which I knew I could trace in his countenance, if they appeared. He turned pale; a frown gathered on his brow, the curl of his lip denoted wrath; when he turned round to the captain of the fort, whose name was Steel, and looking steadily at him said, in a voice of thunder, "You infamous villain, in the name of God, are you murdering people alive here! send for your provost sergeant in a moment, and knock off that poor fellow's spare shackles, or I will smash you in a moment!" Oh, this language was balm to my wounds; was oil to my bleeding heart; it was the voice of sympathy, of determined mercy, and immediate relief. I had a soldier's heart, which shrank not; a fountain of tears I had not in the hour of battle; but now they rushed out amain, as if anxious to behold the man who, by his goodness had drawn them from their deep seclusion.
An entire change of situation now took place; our health was recovered, which rendered my imprisonment quite tolerable. From this place after a while we were sent to Rebel Island, or Cutodelack or Cutthroat Island, where we remained a year, when peace was declared.
We were now sent to Quebec and put on board a cartel ship, and sent round to Boston; though before we reached that place we were driven out to sea in a storm and nearly shipwrecked, suffering exceedingly; but at last arrived at the desired haven where I once more set foot on my native land and rejoice that it was a land of liberty and Independence. As fast as possible we made the best of our way to Old Schoharie, which was our home, after an absence of three years, during which I suffered much, as well as my companions, for the love of my country; which under the blessings of Heaven I have enjoyed these many years, feeling that it is a recompense in full measure.
May He, who never lost a battle perpetuate the blessing to those who have it, to the latest era of time.
<< Ironic note: The U.S. Congress Claims Committee, on Dec. 10, 1811 rejected Freegift's petition for compensation for his service in the militia. >>
Notes for Alonzo Parslow, ---- - ----
Historical Data Systems, comp. American Civil War Regiments, accessed at ancestry.com, states:
Regiment: 134th Infantry Regiment NY
Date Mustered: 10 June 1865
Regiment Type: Infantry
Enlisted Died of Disease or Accident: 5
Officers Died of Disease or Accident: 86
Enlisted Killed or Mortally Wounded: 3
Cols. George E. Danforth, Charles E. Coster, Allan H. Jackson; Lieut.-Cols., Joseph S. DeAgreda, Allan H. Jackson, Reuben B. Heacock, Clinton C. Brown, William H. Hoyt; Majs., George W. B. Seelye, Allan H. Jackson, Edward W. Groot (declined), Gilbert H. Kennedy, William H. Hoyt, P. E. McMaster.
This regiment, recruited in the counties of Schoharie, Schenectady and Delaware, was organized at Schoharie and there mustered into the U. S. service for three years on Sept. 22-23, 1862. It left the state on the 25th and was at once attached to the 2nd brigade, 2nd (Von Steinwehr's) division, 11th corps, which in December marched to Fredericksburg in support of Burnside, but the 134th was not in the battle.
It then went into winter quarters at Stafford, Va. As part of the 1st brigade, same division and corps, it lost 8 wounded and missing at Chancellorsville. The regiment was heavily engaged at Gettysburg, in the battle of the first day, and in the gallant defense of Cemetery hill on the second day, meeting with a loss of 42 killed, 151 wounded and 59 missing, a total of 252 out of 400 in action.
After the battle it accompanied the army on its return to Virginia and in August was on detached service at Alexandria, Va. In Sept., 1863, it was ordered to Tennessee with the 11th and 12th corps, and the following month was in reserve at the midnight battle of Wauhatchie, Tenn.
During the Chattanooga-Ringgold campaign it was slightly engaged at Missionary ridge, losing 8 wounded and missing. It was then ordered to the relief of Knoxville, and in April, 1864, was attached to the 2nd brigade, 2nd (Geary's) division, of the newly formed 20th corps, with which it served in the Atlanta campaign.
It fought its first battle of the campaign at Rocky Face ridge, where its casualties were 36 in killed and wounded. It was then in the battles of Resaca, Dallas, Kennesaw mountain, Pine mountain, Golgotha, Kolb's farm, Marietta, Chattahoochee river, Peachtree creek and Atlanta.
At Peachtree creek the regiment lost 44 killed, wounded and missing. After the fall of Atlanta it remained there until Nov., 1864, when it started on the march to the sea, fighting at Sandersville and Greensboro, and sharing with a loss of 13 in the siege of Savannah, Geary's division being the first to enter the city on its evacuation by Hardee.
Early in 1865, it moved on its final campaign-through the Carolinas-which ended with Johnston's surrender, then marched with the corps to Washington, where it took part in the grand review, and was mustered out at Bladensburg, Md., under Col. Jackson, June 10, 1865. The regiment lost during service, 5 officers and 84 men killed and mortally wounded; 3 officers and 91 men died of disease and other causes, a total of, 183.
Source: The Union Army, Vol. 2, p. 146
The Hon. George E. Danforth received authority, July 9, 1862, to recruit this regiment in the counties of Delaware, Schenectady and Schoharie; it was organized at Schoharie and there mustered in the service of the United States for three years September 22 and 23, 1862. June 5, 1865, the men not to be mustered out with the regiment were transferred to the 102d Infantry.
The companies were recruited principally: A, B and F at Schenectady; C and K at Schoharie; D at Middleburg, Fulton and Broome; E at Blenheim, Gilboa, Broome, Jefferson, Conesville and Summit; G at Cobleskill, Richmondville, Sharon, Seward and Gilboa; H at Schenectady and Duanesburg; I at Schenectady, Fulton, Conesville, Wright, Broome, Duanesburg, Gilboa, Middleburg and Glen.
The regiment left the State, under the command of Lieut.-Col. J. S. DeAgreda, September 25, 1862; it served in the 2d Brigade, 2d Division, 11th Corps, from October, 1862; in the 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 11th Corps, from May, 1863; on detached service at Alexandria, Va., in August, 1863; in 2d Brigade, 2d Division, 20th Corps, from April, 1864, and, commanded by Col. Allan H. Jackson, it was honorably discharged and mustered out June 10, 1865, near Bladensburg, Md.
Source: Phisterer, p. 3,565
Battles Fought:
Fought on 02 May 1863 at Chancellorsville, VA.
Fought on 03 May 1863 at Chancellorsville, VA.
Fought on 01 July 1863 at Gettysburg, PA.
Fought on 02 July 1863 at Gettysburg, PA.
Fought on 03 July 1863 at Gettysburg, PA.
Fought on 02 November 1863 at Missionary Ridge, TN.
Fought on 03 April 1864.
Fought on 08 May 1864 at Dug Gap, GA.
Fought on 08 May 1864 at Rocky Face Ridge, GA.
Fought on 15 May 1864 at Resaca, GA.
Fought on 25 May 1864 at Dallas, GA.
Fought on 28 May 1864 at Dallas, GA.
Fought on 15 June 1864 at Pine Knob, GA.
Fought on 17 June 1864 at Lost Mountain, GA.
Fought on 19 June 1864 at Lost Mountain, GA.
Fought on 23 June 1864 at Lost Mountain, GA.
Fought on 27 June 1864 at Kenesaw Mountain, GA.
Fought on 01 July 1864 at New Hope Church, GA.
Fought on 13 July 1864 at Chattahoochee River, GA.
Fought on 19 July 1864 at Peach Tree Creek, GA.
Fought on 20 July 1864 at Peach Tree Creek, GA.
Fought on 31 July 1864 at Atlanta, GA.
Fought on 01 August 1864 at Atlanta, GA.
Fought on 18 August 1864 at Atlanta, GA.
Fought on 22 November 1864 at Greensboro, GA.
Fought on 29 November 1864 at Greensboro, GA.
Fought on 01 December 1864 at Greensboro, GA.
Fought on 01 December 1864 at Louisville, GA.
Fought on 01 December 1864 at Louisville, KY.
Fought on 13 December 1864 at Savannah, GA.
Fought on 14 December 1864 at Hutchinson Island, GA.
Fought on 14 December 1864 at Louisville, GA.
Fought on 15 December 1864 at Savannah, GA.
Fought on 19 December 1864 at Savannah, GA.
Fought on 30 March 1865.
Fought on 03 April 1865 at Goldsboro, NC.
Notes for Dexter Schuyler Osborn, 17 Nov 1826 - 9 Feb 1923
Website states:
"Was a Civil War veteran, 20th Cavalry Co. K. Lived in Clayton, NY in 1850. Lived in Depauville. Lived in Clayton for 75 years until his death. Was a blacksmith in 1850. Ran his own blacksmith shop at Clayton Center and also Depauville. Died a sudden death."
Notes for John Dexter Osborn, 5 May 1849 - 2 Dec 1935
Website states:
Joined the Sells Bros. circus as a youth, was their head blacksmith and horse trainer. Lived in Grand Rapids, MI in 1866. Was a blacksmith in a general shop for 64 years, retired in 10/1923. Broke his hip around 1923. Lived in Sandy Creek, NY for 47 years until his death. Died of a myocardial degeneraton.
Notes for Elizabeth Ann Barlow, ---- - ----
Jason Gervase states:
"The Batterson Family of Old Fairfield, Connecticut" Compiled and Edited by Berniece G. Sastrom, 8 June 1973 gives the following information:
"Betsey (Barlow) Batterson did leave Burr Batterson after her children were grown - about 1843. At that time the youngest, William, was 16
years old and 'on his own'. No divorce is found. She was transferred to the Methodist Church in Newark, N.J. per the Green Farms Congregational Church record; on 21 Dec 1855. She listed herself as 'widow' in the Newark City Directory. She resided with her eldest daughter, who was married to Abraham Cobb, and she died there. She was removed to Westport and is buried in Green Farms upper."
"Different family tradition has it that Burr was not a proper provider and more interested in other ladies. Finally, Betsey, his wife, left him
and resided with a daughter at Newark.....He, in the meantime (by tradition) took upon himself one Eliza Baker and her children and lived
as man and wife with her. They had children together who bore the name Batterson - later changed to Baker"
"Betsey Barlow Batterson appears to have inherited some money from her father, David Barlow 3d (1773-1846) who had just passed away in Fairfield, Vermont."
Betsey appears in the following directories:
1858-9 Newark, Essex Co., NJ
Batterson, Betsey, 121 Lock
1860 Newark, Essex Co., NJ
Batterson, Betsey, widow of Burrill, h 117 Lock
Notes for Henry Patchin, 4 Jan 1820 - 15 Sep 1885
"History and Genealogy of the Patchin-Patchen Family", Grace Patchen Leggett, 1952 states:
A very rich man, Henry Patchin lost his money and had to enter the employ of the steel company, Troy, NY, at the age of 63, and carried a lunch basket with him. His son-in-law, Henry C. Shaw, said he was the finest man he had ever known.
Notes for Cyrus Eleazer Patchin, ---- - ----
From "American Civil War Regiments", provided by ancestry.com:
Regiment: 13th Infantry Regiment WI
Date Mustered: 24 November 1865
Regiment Type: Infantry
Enlisted Died of Disease or Accident: 0
Officers Died of Disease or Accident: 5
Enlisted Killed or Mortally Wounded: 0
Regimental History, Thirteenth Infantry, WISCONSIN
Thirteenth Infantry.-Cols., Maurice Maloney, William P. Lyon, Augustus H. Kummel, Lieut.-Cols., James F. Chapman, Thomas 0. Bigney, Augustus H. Kummel, Charles S. Noyes; Majs., Thomas 0. Bigney, Charles S. Noyes, Samuel C. Cobb
This regiment was organized at Camp Treadway, Janesville, and was mustered in Oct. 17, 1861. It left the state Jan. 18, 1862, for Leavenworth and moved from there to Fort Smith, Ark. to join the Southwestern expedition.
Upon reaching Fort Scott it was ordered to Lawrence to join the New Mexico expedition, but this was abandoned and it was ordered back to Leavenworth. It was sent to Columbus, Ky., where it was placed on railroad guard duty, and later garrisoned Forts Henry and Donelson.
It accompanied an expedition against Clarksville Tenn., where it routed the Confederates and captured a quantity of army stores. It was then employed in scouting and was engaged in a skirmish near Garretsburg, defeating the enemy. It drove Gen. Forrest's forces through western Tennessee, then marched to Stevenson, Ala., where it captured a supply depot and held it until reenforced.
It assisted in the successful defense of Huntsville against Forrest and of Decatur against Hood. A detachment of the regiment dispersed the 4th Ala. cavalry at New Market. The regiment fought Hood in his attack on Nashville.
Lieut. Wagoner and 35 men of Co. G were captured at Paint Rock River by a force of 400. After the fall of Richmond the regiment was ordered to Indianola, Tex., and afterwards to San Antonio, a march of 145 miles with the thermometer at 100 degrees and many broke down.
Through all the seemingly aimless wanderings and hard marches, with few heavy engagements to compensate, the conduct of the men was admirable and Adjt.-Gen. Gaylord says: "The tireless vigilance which relaxes not, day by day, and week after week. although lacking the excitement which accompanies the movement of armies, cannot fail to command our admiration and respect for the 13th Wis. volunteer infantry."
It was mustered out Nov. 24, 1865. Its original strength was 970. Gain by recruits, 414; substitutes, 83; draft, 72; veteran reenlistments, 392; total, 1,931. Losses by death, 183; missing, 3; desertion, 71; transfer, 6, discharge, 321; mustered out, 797.
Source: The Union Army, vol. 4, p.52
Battles Fought
Fought at Flint River, GA.
Fought at Thompson's Station, TN.
Fought on 22 August 1863 at Fort Donelson, TN.
Fought on 29 August 1863.
Fought on 15 October 1863 at Athens, AL.
Fought on 05 July 1864 at Whitesburg, AL.
Fought on 27 July 1864 at Warrenton, AL.
Fought on 25 September 1864.
Fought on 31 December 1864 at Paint Rock Bridge, AL.
Notes for David Patchin, 22 Nov 1845 - 10 Nov 1864
David and his fifteen year old brother Horatio enlisted on the same day, in the same Union Army unit, and each died of disease within the year.
Regimental records show 188 men died of disease or accident, and 5 died of battle wounds, (unknown number captured).
Notes for Horatio Patchin, 9 Nov 1848 - 19 Jun 1864
Horatio and his eighteen year old brother David enlisted on the same day, in the same Union Army unit, and each died of disease within the year.
After enlisting, Horatio died of "disease" before his regiment fought any battles. In fact, regimental records show 188 men died of disease or accident, and 5 died of battle wounds, (unknown number captured).
Notes for Talcott Barlow, 3 May 1825 - 21 Oct 1898
Web site states:
From: The Commemorative Biographical Record of Fairfield County Connecticut, published in 1899
TALCOTT BARLOW (deceased), late of Bridgeport.
Few of the residents of that city have passed as many years in active business as did this deeply lamented gentleman, who, beginning his career as a bread-winner when eight years old, was still "in harness" till within a few years of his decease, which occurred October 21, 1898, when in his seventy-fourth year.
Mr. Barlow was a native of Connecticut, born May 03, 1825, in the town of Westport, Fairfield county, a son of Samuel and Eunice (Mills) Barlow, of Westport, the former of whom was a shoemaker in that town, well-known and much respected.
Our subject's youth was spent in Westport, and at the age of eight years he began working for farmers in that locality. At fifteen he was apprenticed to a carpenter, and after serving a term of five years he was employed by Peter Norman, a contractor, with whom he remained five years. Coming to Bridgeport when a young man he engaged in the carpentering and building business with the late
Wakeman W. Wells, who was county jailer for many years. This partnership was known as the firm of Wells and Barlow, but it did not continue for a very long time, and after its dissolution, Mr. Barlow carried on the business until a few years ago, when he retired.
In 1846 our subject married Miss Emeline Gray, of Danbury, Connecticut, who died in the year of 1893, leaving five children, all yet living: George F., who was in business with his father, and now succeeds him; Charles H., a plumber in Bridgeport; Albert T, a resident of Waterbury, Connecticut; and Amanda F. and Linnie, both at home.
Socially the family is held in high esteem. Mr. Barlow was a member of the Arcanum Lodge, I.O.O. F., at Bridgeport. While he was not ambitious for official honors, he always took keen interest in public questions, and throughout his life was an ardent supporter of the Democratic party.
Notes for Caleb Gibbs Patchin, 25 MAY 1799 - 30 APR
Web site states the following was posted by James Cummings:
Schoharie Co. NY Wills Vol. 10 page 68
Caleb G. Patchin of Jefferson
probated 8 Feb 1878
In the name of God, Amen.
I, Caleb G. Patchin of the town of Jefferson in the County of Schoharie and State of New York, do make, publish and declare this my last will and testament as follows.
I direct that my just debts, funeral expenses and doctor's bills shall be paid and that a suitable Gravestone shall be set to my grave.
I give and bequeath to my beloved wife Amanda, the use of one third of all my real and personal estate during her life to be taken by her in lieu of dower, and that her doctor's bills and funeral expenses be paid out of my said Estate, and that a grave stone be set to her grave like the one set to my grave.
I give and bequeath to my daughter Nancy wife of George Rhodes the sum of Fifty (50) dollars.
I give and bequeath to my granddaughter Sarah Ferris one hundred and fifty (150) dollars.
I give and bequeath to my daughter Mira wife of Rufus Finch Three hundred and sixty five (365) dollars.
I give and bequeath to my daughter Rhoda wife of Thomas Adjutant the sum of one hundred (100) dollars.
I give and bequeath to my daughter Sarah wife of Wallace Crane one hundred (100) dollars.
I give and bequeath to my Grandson Albert Buckingham Two hundred (200) dollars.
I give and bequeath to my Granddaughter Statira Patchin ten (10) dollars to be paid when she arrives at the age of Eighteen years.
I give and bequeath to my Granddaughter Serena wife of Harvey Jobson one hundred (100) dollars.
I give and bequeath to my Grandson Charley Adjutant Twenty (20) dollars the same to be deposited in a Saving Bank until he arrives at the age of Eighteen years, the interest to be added to the principal each year.
I give and bequeath to my daughter Peggy Ann the sum of Three hundred and fifty (350) dollars which my Executor is directed to loan to some responsible person, the borrower to agree to pay to the said Peggy Ann the interest. And ten (10) dollars of the principal annually until the whole is paid; but in case of the said Peggy ann shall die before the above sum shall have been expended, the balance shall be paid to her three children Imogene, David, and Dickson Scrom to be for their sole use and benefit.
I give and bequeath to my son Caleb G. Patchin Jr. the use during his life, of the piece of land owned by me in the town of Harpersfield and known as "the Fallow" to work and manage the same as his own but at his death the said land shall be sold and the proceeds to be divided among my children now living.
I give and bequeath to the person who shall properly care for me during my last sickness and who shall sod over my grave well and carefully, the sum of one hundred (100) dollars to be due with the first legacies.
I also give and bequeath to my son Caleb all my farming utensils of all kinds.
The residue and remainder and proceeds of all my real and personal property after paying the debts and legacies above named and not otherwise disposed of and the portion which may remains after the death of my wife. I hereby give and bequeath to my daughters, Nancy Rhodes, Rhoda Adjutant, and Sarah Crane to be divided as follows: charging Nancy with Four hundred (400) dollars, Wrhoda with one hundred and fifty (150) dollars and Sarah with Two hundred and forty five (245) dollars as the sums which I have paid them, the division otherwise to be equal but Nancy shall take the lot of land which I now own in Binghamton, adjoining hers at three hundred dollars toward her portion.
No sums which I have heretofore given to my children shall be charged against them but any sums which I may hereafter pay either of them shal be charged against the legacies herein before mentioned.
I will and ordain that the Executor of this my last will and testament, for and towards, the performance of said testament, shall with all convenient speed after my decease, bargain, sell and alien in fee simple, all my lands not otherwise disposed of. And I do these presents give to my said Executor full power and authority to bargain, sell and convey all the said lands to any person or persons and their heirs in fee simple by all and every such lawful ways as my said Executor or his counsel learned in the law may see fit or necessary.
And lastly I do hereby nominate and appoint my friend Allen S. Gibbs the Executor of this my last will and testament hereby revoking all former wills by me made.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 5th day of August 1875.
Caleb G. Patchin, L.S.
Witnesses:
Geo. W. Smith of Harpersfield, Del. Co. N. Y.
Elmer G. Dart of Harpersfield, Del. Co. N.Y.
Minerva Dart of Harpersfield, Del. Co. N.Y.
Posted by SAMPUBCO for James Cummings
Notes for Julia Mariette Dickinson, 21 Jun 1875 - 23 Sep 1965
Web site states:
Florence Carlton Cemetery, in Missoula County, Montana, lies barely over the Ravalli County border, although it serves the community of Florence. Originally, another town by the name of Carlton existed in the area, but it is now gone.
Notes for Francis Keyes Scott, ---- - ----
Web site states:
Birth date copied from Scott family Bible last in possession of George Rufus Scott.
Death Certificate 156-52-310221 filed 21 May 1952.
Retired Store Keeper and Internal Revenue Department
Living at 491 East 4th St, resided in NYC 65 years, never in US Armed Forces.
Died at Methodist Hospital Brooklyn, and buried by Walter B. Cooke Inc of 20 Snyder Ave at Brookside Cemetery.
Found in the 1860, 1900, and 1920 Census
Notes for Frank Edward Scott, 26 Nov 1888 - 3 Sep 1906
Web site states:
Died in a swimming accident in Sheepshead Bay, New York. Have a letter from him to his mother when he was 17 or so and away from home working.
Death Certificate 17669. Lived at 631 20th St, Brooklyn, NY
Birth listed as Frank Edward Scott born 26 Nov 1888, death 3 Sep 1906 in Scott family Bible last in possession of George Scott
Watertown newspaper clipping states "Word has been received that Frank C. Scott, aged 17 years, and son of Mr. and Mrs. Frank K. Scott, formerly of this city, was drowned while swimming in Sheepheads Bay near Brooklyn yesterday. Advices from the boy's father received this morning are to the effect that the body has not yet been recovered, but that as soon as it is found it will be brought to Watertown for interment in Brookside Cemetery. The young man's parents are both well known in Watertown. Mr. Scott, the boy's father, was formerly a printer here, employed by the old Watertown Post. Afterwards he became connected with the Sun Fire Insurance Company and about 20 years ago went to Brooklyn, where he has lived since. Since that time he has gone back into the printing business. Shortly after his departure from Watertown he married Alice L. Ferrin, daughter of H.F. Ferrin, at one time a prominent marble dealer and monument maker in this city. Mr. and Mrs. Scott made frequent visits to Watertown, coming here last about two years ago.
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Notes for Walter Scott, 27 Aug 1893 - 1 Sep 1893
Web site states:
Only reference to him is in the Scott family Bible last in possession of George Scott. 27 Aug 1893-1 Sep 1893.
Notes for Gladys Scott, 27 Oct 1904 - ----
Web site states:
Birth date from Scott family Bible last in possession of George Scott.
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